LOUIS CHAUVEL |
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39 years old, married, 2 children |
IEP/OSC : |
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Born at Paris xvie on november 2nd
1967 |
27, rue Saint-Guillaume – 75007 Paris |
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Domicile : |
Tel. lab. : + 33
1.45.49.54.52 |
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7, rue Nicolas Houel – 75005 |
Couriel : chauvel@sciences-po.fr |
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Tel. dom. : + 33
1.43.31.34.43. |
Site : http://louis.chauvel.free.fr |
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1-
Full
Professor of sociology at Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris since fev 2005.
Before : Adjunct Professor at Geneva University (Switzerland) 2004-2005 ;
Lecturer 1998-2005 at Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris
2-
18
Master’s dissertations supervised and 3 PhD candidates under supervision
3-
Member
of the University Institute of France (IUF) since 2003
4-
Research
fellow at the Observatoire Sociologique du Changement (OSC – Observatory of
Social Change) since 1994 and Research fellow at the Observatoire Français des
Conjonctures économiques (French Observatory of Economic Conjunctures)
5-
August
2000 – October 2000 Invited Fellow at UC Berkeley Dep of Sociology
1990 |
Masters of the ENSAE, |
1991 |
Masters of research in Social Sciences EHESS
– ENS (Paris) |
1997 |
PhD in |
1998 |
Selected at the CNRS competition, dismissing
for a position as Lecturer at Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris |
Habilitation – Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris Jury : Christian Baudelot, Alain Chenu (coord.), Jean-Paul Fitoussi, Catherine Marry, Dominique Merllié, Serge Paugam (présid.) |
·
Member
of ISA Research Committee on Social Stratification RC28 and on Classes RC47
·
Treasurer
of the French sociological association (AFS) (2002-2006).
·
Responsible
of the research network « Classes, inequalities, fragmentations » of
the AFS
·
General
Secretary of the European Sociological Association (2005-…)
·
Member
of the Executive Committee of International Sociological Association (2006-…)
English - fluent; Italian – read; Spanish -
read and spoken; Notions of Hungarian, German and Chinese; ancient Greek.
Books :
Chauvel L.,
Chauvel L.,
2006g, Les classes moyennes à la dérive,
Seuil, Paris. (Drifting
Middle Classes).
Castel R., Chauvel L., et al. 2007a, Les mutations de la société française, La Découverte, Paris.
82
academic papers,
[1].
Chauvel L., 1993a, « Valeurs dans la Communauté
européenne : l'érosion des extrémismes », Revue de l'OFCE, n°43, pp. 93-134. (Social values un the European community: the
erosion of extremism).
[2].
Chauvel L., 1995e, « Inégalités singulières et
plurielles : l’évolution de la courbe de répartition des revenus », Revue de l'OFCE, n°55, pp. 211-240. (Singular and plural inequalities:
the evolution of the income distribution curve)
[3].
Chauvel L., 1997e, « L’uniformisation du taux de
suicide masculin selon l’âge : effet de génération ou recomposition du cycle de
vie ? », Revue française de
sociologie, XXXVIII-4, pp. 681-734. (The spreading suicide rate across age groups: cohort effect or
recomposition of life cycle?)
[4].
Chauvel L., 1998e, « Niveau d’éducation en Europe :
le rattrapage français », in INSEE, France,
portrait social 1998-1999, INSEE, Paris, pp. 109-121. (Education in Europe:
[5].
Chauvel L., 1999a, « Du pain et des
vacances : la consommation des catégories socioprofessionnelles s’homogénéise-t-elle
(encore) ? », Revue française
de sociologie, LX, pp.79-96. (Bread and holidays: is there and homogenization of consumption between
occupational groups)
[6].
Chauvel L., 2001a, « Un nouvel âge de la société
américaine ? Dynamiques et perspectives de la structure sociale aux Etats-Unis
(1950-2000) », Revue de l’OFCE,
n°76, pp.7-51. (A new age
American society? Dynamics and perspectives of the American social structure
1950-2000)
[7].
Chauvel
L., 2002a, « Educational Inequalities: Distribution of Knowledge, Social
Origins and Social Outcomes », in Y. Lemel and H.H. Noll. (dir.), Changing Structures of Inequality: A
Comparative Perspective,
[9].
Chauvel L., 2005, « L’école et la déstabilisation des
classes moyennes », Éducation et Sociétés, 2004/2, n°14, pp.101-118. (The school system and the destabilization of the middle classes)
[10].
Chauvel
L., 2005, « Social Generations, Life Chances and Welfare Regime Sustainability
», in Peter A. Hall The Politics of Change in
[11]. Chauvel L., 2006, « Are social
classes really dead? A French paradox in class dynamics », in G. Therborn (dir.), Inequalities of the World, Ed. Verso,
Chauvel, Louis, 1998 [ 2
E éd. 2002 ]
The destiny of the
generations: social structure and cohorts in twentieth century
Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. HN440.I58 C53 1998
Short book summary:
"The cohorts life
chances and the destiny of generations are marked by the fortunes of birth. Two
world wars and the major economic crisis of the thirties, thirty years of a
social Golden Age, a deceleration for three decades, such has been the
unequally divided legacy of social history. The generations born before 1920
underwent a difficult fate. The following ones born until 1950, knew the
“Thirty glorious years” (1945-1975) at the time of their youth, met an
unexpectedly propitious collective destiny: multiplication of the diplomas
without grade inflation, strong upward social mobility, skyrocketing increase
of wages, better social protection, etc. With the crisis, this dynamics ceases
for the following cohorts, which came too late in the adult life.
First systematic analysis
of the social structure mobilizing birth cohorts and generational cleavages,
this book underlines the existence of a fracture that will develop during the
beginning of twenty-first century. This question goes with heavy political
issues, because it interacts with the transformation of social classes and the
future of Welfare state. To deal with these risks, building a real policy of
generations engaging the responsibility for all is necessary.y"
The book is in all
the very good bookshops and on the Web .
For a complete
summary:
The object of this work is
to go over the traditional view of the upheavals of the social structure
founded on average social tendencies, by showing that the massive social
changes of the twentieth century relate less to society as a whole than to
certain cohorts in particular. The central problem is the evaluation of the
"law of generational progress " according to which the later generations
would benefit mechanically of more resources than the elder ones. Thus, the
history is made of generational fluctuations of economic and social progress,
but also of the consequences of these changes, such as consumption, health, the
access to the media, the participation and the political representation.
The analysis shows that
there are indeed "sacrificed generations", for example that of 1894
which knew the two world wars. In the same way, today, the economic
deceleration is not distributed uniformly on all the population: the
generations born after 1950 face a degradation of their situation compared to
their elder, in terms of income, social value of the diploma, in terms of
prospect for ascending mobility. All these dimensions are questioned through
strong and diverse empirical material --
FQP (professional Formation-qualification) of 1914-1970-1977 and Emploi
(1982-2000) of INSEE, as well as many statistical sources, demographic,
economic, political and social, that are consulted systematically as the files
of micro-data were available.
This work proposes to
answer these questions in three stages. The first part aims at highlighting a
certain number of facts concerning the social structure and its changes. The
issue is to measure the impact of the fluctuations of the rate of the growth
(from the "Thirty glorious" 1945-1975 to the "slowed down
Growth" 1975-today) on the various generations. Thus, the numerical
expansion of the service class (executives and intermediate professions) shows
a brutal growth of the access to these categories for the generations born in
the years 1940 (generations entered the world of work at the end of the Thirty
glorious years) compared to the preceding ones. In a more general way, the
social structure becomes deformed less with time than at the rate/rhythm of the
replacement of the generations which follow one another in the social
structure. Thus, the cohorts could be included/understood not like an organized
social group, but like a concrete social time: the grain of the social sand
glass.
The second part is
interested in the plausible explanations this process. It studies the
respective variations of the education system and the economic situation, in
particular of the offer of employment addressed to young people, two tendencies
that produces favourable or unfavourable effects for generation which knows the
transition from school to stable employment. The main part of the prospects for
life for a generation is given between the age of 25 and 30 years, and thus
will influence the life chances in the world of production even in late
adulthood.
The third part considers
the consequences of this generational dynamics of social change. The evolution
of the chances of access to the various social categories by cohorts goes with
cohort modifications in the distribution of income. For the last 50 years, the
relative income relating to juniors and seniors have never been fixed: much
better for the young in the sixties and seventies, much lower after. The
evolutions of lifestyles faced great changes also, for example in terms of
leisure, transport, of housing, in particular. Mortality by generation, in
particular with regard to the suicide, knew similarly surprising evolutions,
with a doubling between 1970 and 1995 of the risk of suicide of twenty and
thirty somethings, and a reduction of a third for people at age of around sixty
years old. Lastly, the trajectories of social mobility were the subject of a
systematic analysis, to highlight the decline in the perspectives of generation
born in 1975, which are on average the children of the generation of the
baby-boom born in 1945.
The conclusion reconsiders
the overall logic which results from the synthesis from the facts, process and
varied results highlighted. The central empirical result is that the variations
of the rate of the growth ("Thirty glorious "1945-1975 versus"
slowed down Growth "1975- today) gave place to a specific distribution of
the resources between the various generations. Then the question is to explain
this new specific division, and to wonder why and how other forms of division
have not occurred. Especially, in prospective terms, these evolutions are
problematic, in particular concerning the policy and the financing of
retirement, health, but also housing, education, for example. With no political
debate on the sense of these evolutions with the presence of all generations,
these distortions will continue to develop.